Saturday, September 25, 2010

Justice denied and delayed

 
“I wonder if our fiercely independent chief justice has any time to spare from his judicial activism to look into the huge backlog of cases that has built up over the years, and the impact it has on our society and our economy.”


As the Supreme Court struggles valiantly to deal with such knotty issues as Musharraf’s controversial National Reconciliation Ordinance and the 18th Amendment, its backlog of pending cases has grown to 17,500. But compared to the provincial high courts, where some 150,000 cases are awaiting judgment, it is a model of efficiency. Going down to the lower courts, a recent news item in this paper informed us that some 1.1 million cases are clogging the system.

One reason the Taliban takeover of Swat last year was initially welcomed by many locals was that they promised to provide swift justice. Even though this turned into a nightmare of public flogging and executions, the fact is that millions of Pakistanis caught up in the legal system would even put up with ignorant clerics on the bench if they could just get a quick decision.

In the UK, the country that bequeathed Pakistan the system we suffer under, cases are decided fairly quickly once they are admitted for hearing. So how come we have made such a mess of things? One reason is that for every litigant who wants a quick decision, there is another who wants to slow the proceedings down to snail’s pace.

An old lawyer friend recounted his experience with one case. He had been flying into Karachi from Lahore so often for court hearings in this particular case that he decided to rent a flat to avoid staying in a hotel on each trip. When I asked him why he had to visit Karachi so often, he said the high court judge on the bench had such a heavy case-load every day that his particular case almost invariably got put off each time. So he would take a book and read at the back of the courtroom — if the case did come up for hearing and he wasn’t present, he could get charged with contempt. This went on for years, and of course, the cost was passed on to the client.

Now multiply this case by the hundreds of courts across the country, and you will begin to get an idea of what hundreds of thousands of litigants go through for years. Of course, many benefit by these endless delays: those with a weak case and deep pockets keep spending money to block a decision. Those with a good case suffer the inconvenience and expense of unending litigation.

A few years ago, the Asian Development Bank lent Pakistan $20mn to finance judicial reforms. The stated aim of the project, called Access to Justice, was to “contribute to poverty reduction and good governance through improved rule of law”. Part of the loan went towards the computerisation of the higher courts, and no doubt a sizeable chunk went to the inevitable consultants, transport and study tours abroad. One project goal was to produce “greater efficiency, timeliness and effectiveness in judicial and police services”. I hope the Pakistani taxpayer will consider the $20mn as money well spent as he repays this loan.

I wonder if our fiercely independent chief justice has any time to spare from his judicial activism to look into the huge backlog of cases that has built up over the years, and the impact it has on our society and our economy. It is certainly true that our media is fascinated with the comings and goings of politicians and bureaucrats who are constantly summoned before the higher judiciary in high-profile cases involving the government. In addition, suo motu cases that put the state under much-needed scrutiny make equally thrilling courtroom drama.

What is not very exciting is the nitty-gritty of working out targets for judges to reduce their backlog, and clean up the corruption endemic in the system. After all, thousands of lawyers make a living from the same venality and inefficiency they have been dealing with – and profiting from – over the decades. Changing the status quo is hard work, especially when so many are benefiting from it.

So while our legal fraternity was at the vanguard of calls for the restoration of the chief justice three years ago, it’s not exactly storming the capital to demand judicial reforms that would make life easier for their clients. And yet, this one issue goes to the heart of our failing society. If we could somehow fix our courts, so many other things might fall into place.

Among other problems, there are far too many lawyers in Pakistan. Many people I know have earned law degrees for want of something better to do. It used to be possible to take the LLB degree privately without actually having to go to law school. And anyone with this qualification can set up shop as a lawyer. Of course he doesn’t command the kind of fees our legal superstars do, but he can still issue legal notices.

So far, none of my lawyer friends have been able to satisfactorily explain why judges tolerate these delays. Why can’t the court clerk be instructed to keep the list of cases manageably short? Why are feeble excuses from lawyers about illness accepted, especially when the same lawyers then appear before another bench? Fake medical certificates are routinely used to support absences. Court clerks are bribed to put a case at the top or the bottom of the list of cases to be heard. All judges are aware of these realities, but choose to ignore them.

The truth is that the desire for change has to come from the top of the judicial pyramid. Unfortunately, despite the independence the higher judiciary now enjoys, it has chosen to use this authority to wrest power from the executive and from the legislative branches.

It is certainly true that judicial activism is a welcome new phenomenon in a country where judges have normally accepted dictation from the executive, especially when a general is running the show. However, this newfound judicial independence needs to be judiciously used. Long-term legal reforms would provide the chief justice with an enduring legacy.

Coulmn by Irfan hussain Dawn news

Friday, September 24, 2010

Report cites irregularities in defence spending

ISLAMABAD: A report formulated by the Auditor General has said that Rs2.5 billion was lost in 2009-10 due to “commonly occurring irregularities” in various departments of the armed forces and ministry of defence.
The Auditor General Report 2009-10, which was submitted to parliament on Friday, said Rs801.06 million was lost due to violation of rules, Rs809.54 million due to unauthorised expenditures and Rs379.84 million due to non-recovery of dues. The irregularities were persistent in nature as they occurred almost every year.

The other major causes for the wastage were blockage of funds, unjustified payments and weak management of contracts, the report said.

It said the procurement departments of the defence production units and various arms of the armed forces, cantonment boards, the Military Estate Offices and the Military Engineering Services were particularly susceptible to “costly errors”. That was why procurement and execution of works required special attention.

The audit report said that Rs308.91 billion was supposed to be spent in 2008-09 as per the defence budget. But the expenses went up to Rs332.52 billion, mainly owing to revision in pay-scales and revision in the cost of rations for the army.

The total expenditure of the army, including irregular spending, totaled Rs734.08 million, which included unauthorised purchase of milk worth Rs679.03 million.

According to the report, the auditors objected to unauthorised works by Military Engineering Services, non-recovery of rent, utility bills and non-deduction of sales tax, causing a loss of Rs71.96 million. Similarly, Rs135.68 million collected on behalf of the government was not deposited in the treasury.

The auditors objected to mismanagement in the affairs of the Heavy Industries Taxila, particularly about the $1.23 million in foreign exchange stuck up due to problems in installation of simulators of Al Zarrar and Al Khalid tanks, said the report.

The Auditor General also identified serious flaws in contracts and deals finalised with foreign suppliers leading to foreign exchange losses, apart from non-recovery of money from defaulting contractors.

Irregularities were also identified in divisions like the Directorate of Munitions Production and Pakistan Aeronautical Complex, Kamra.

The auditors objected to the loss of Rs594.21 million in the navy owing to violations of rules, including irregular purchases and improper contracts.

The report said objections worth Rs99.83 million were raised against air force departments. These mainly pertained to irregular purchases and flawed construction contracts.

Ineffectiveness of the Military Accountant General caused a loss of Rs59 million and irregularities worth Rs82 million were reported in the affairs of the Military Lands and Customs department, the report said.

Defence budget hike

A report in this newspaper yesterday suggests the defence budget has been quietly hiked by an astonishing 25 per cent, from the budgeted figure of Rs442bn to over Rs550bn. As usual, neither the government nor the military has seen fit to divulge any details, making it difficult to comment on the need for such an extraordinary increase.

Surveying the landscape of Pakistan and assessing the security situation, however, provides some clues. For one, the army has been very active in the flood rescue and relief efforts, costly activities that could not have been budgeted for earlier this summer. For another, the military operations against militant groups in the tribal areas look set to continue. North Waziristan remains a hornet’s nest that has yet to be tackled and the other agencies of Fata continue to require the application of force as the security forces struggle to master the clear-and-hold phase of counter-insurgency. So a hike in the defence budget may well be justified.

What isn’t justified is the lack of transparency. At the best of times, there needs to be accountability of the public’s money that is spent by state institutions. In times of crisis, when funds are even scarcer than usual and the state has to make choices between equally pressing needs, accountability becomes an even more pressing factor. Do the armed forces absolutely need Rs110bn more or could they have done with less if belt-tightening had been attempted first? Where will the money go, only to fund essential, emergency needs or also to finance wants that could otherwise be postponed? The public will likely never know.

Even parliament, where in-camera meetings could provide some kind of limited oversight, is unlikely to be given any details. (Earlier this week, the Public Accounts Committee was stonewalled by Finance Secretary Salman Siddique when members demanded details of a one-time Rs5.5bn supplementary grant to the ISI in 2007-08.)

A few comparisons may put the figure of Rs110bn in the proper perspective. Rs110bn is close to half the amount public-sector enterprises rack up in losses each year — a key area of reform and restructuring that the international financial institutions have been emphasising. Rs110bn exceeds the entire gains that the reformed General Sales Tax is expected to make. The sum is also roughly equal to the amount which would be raised by the controversial ‘flood tax’ that has been mooted. One single head of expenditure, then, is already set to absorb all the revenue gains that are expected to be made this year — even before those gains are realised. Surely, the public is owed an explanation.

the report was published in dawn news on 24th september 2010

 
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